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Justice

Marginalia · Justice


JU · P03

The Measure

Justice · second of sixCesare Beccaria · 1738–1794Dei delitti e delle pene, Livorno, 1 July 1764 · 262 years agoEnglish: An Essay on Crimes and Punishments, anonymous translation, 1767

It is better to prevent crimes than to punish them.

He was twenty-six. He published it without his name on it, in Livorno rather than Milan, because he expected trouble and he was right to.

About a hundred pages. Written in plain Tuscan rather than Latin, in short chapters, deliberately free of legal vocabulary, so that a reader with no training could get through it in an evening. That was not modesty about his own learning. It was a tactic: if the argument could only be read by lawyers it would be answered by lawyers, and nothing would move.

What he actually argued

Almost everything in it is now so ordinary that it is hard to see it was ever an argument.

That a person is innocent until the case against them is made. That the law must be written down, published, and knowable in advance by the people it governs. That punishment must be proportionate to the harm, prompt enough to be connected in the mind with the act, and public. That nobody should be punished for a thing that was not an offence when they did it.

And the finding the whole book turns on, which is the one that matters here: what deters is certainty, not severity. A mild consequence that always follows will restrain more people than a terrible one that occasionally does. A state reaching for ferocity has, in that reach, admitted it cannot achieve reliability.

The torture argument

His case against judicial torture is short and it never needs to be made again.

Torture does not test whether a man is guilty. It tests how much pain he can bear. A strong man who is guilty holds out and is acquitted; a weak man who is innocent says whatever will make it stop and is convicted. The procedure is perfectly consistent — the same instruments, the same duration, applied identically to everybody — and it sorts people by endurance while reporting that it has sorted them by guilt.

That is worth sitting with, because it is the oldest version of a mistake this collection keeps finding. A process can be uniform, documented, applied without favour to every person who comes before it, and measure something other than the thing it claims to measure. Consistency is not accuracy. It never was.

What happened to a book about clarity

It sold poorly in Italian and enormously everywhere else, and it did not travel intact.

The French translation of 1765 was so freely handled that Beccaria's own circle complained: passages omitted, passages added, chapters moved, merged and split until the shape of the argument was the translator's rather than the author's. The English translation of 1767 came from the fifth Italian edition, left things out, and smoothed sentences — including, in the argument on the death penalty, an ambiguity about law and force that the translator resolved in a direction Beccaria had left open.

So the book demanding that laws be published plainly, in language the governed can read, reached most of its readers in versions its author had not written. It went onto the Index of Prohibited Books on 3 February 1766, which at least had the merit of being an honest response.

Neither of these facts damaged it. That is the strange part. The argument was strong enough to survive being rearranged by its friends and banned by its enemies, and it is the rearranged version that shaped the century.

He won

Not slowly, either. Twenty-two years after an anonymous pamphlet appeared in a port city, the Grand Duchy of Tuscany became the first sovereign state in the world to abolish the death penalty. Voltaire wrote a commentary on the book. Catherine the Great sent for the author. The first four presidents of the United States read him, some of them in Italian.

He was, by any measure available, the most successful reformer in this section. Almost everything he asked for, he got.

The system that satisfies him completely

Now put his conditions in a list, and check them off against an arrangement he could not have imagined.

Punishment proportionate to the offence. Punishment certain rather than severe. Punishment prompt, so that the consequence is felt as connected to the act. The rules written down, published in advance, and available to everybody in the language they speak. No torture. No death. No punishment for conduct that was not an offence when it occurred.

Every one of them, met. Met more completely than in any jurisdiction that has ever existed, because the consequences are graduated by a schedule rather than a magistrate, applied within seconds rather than seasons, and never — not once, not in a single case — ferocious.

Beccaria's test was designed against a specific enemy: the arbitrary cruelty of eighteenth-century criminal justice, the branding iron, the rack, the scaffold as public entertainment. Against that enemy it is a complete answer. It has nothing whatever to say about a system that has no need to be cruel, because it never fails to be reliable.

He was right, and it took two hundred and sixty-two years to prove it

Almost nothing in eighteenth-century penology has survived contact with evidence. This has.

Deterrence research since the 1960s consistently finds that the certainty of punishment deters where its severity does not — and the modern refinement is sharper than Beccaria's own version. What deters is the certainty of being caught, not the weight of what follows. The severity of the consequence, at any level, does very little. Long sentences and mandatory minimums cannot be justified on deterrence grounds, because the person contemplating the act is calculating the odds of apprehension and not the tariff.

The extreme case is the most instructive. Two national reviews of the American research on capital punishment, thirty-four years apart, reached the same verdict: the studies are not informative about whether it decreases, increases or has no effect on homicide, and should not be used to decide anything. Estimates in the literature run from hundreds of lives saved per execution to lives lost, flipping on small changes in method. And the central failing the second review identified is precisely Beccaria's question: almost none of the research compares execution against the alternative punishment. It compares having the penalty with not having it, in places that imprison either way.

So the maximum available severity cannot be shown to add anything to a long imprisonment. The mild certain consequence outperforms the terrible uncertain one. He worked that out from an armchair in Milan at twenty-six, and the data has spent two and a half centuries agreeing with him.

The thing he did not foresee

He could not have foreseen it, and it is not a criticism to say so.

What he assumed, because in 1764 there was no reason to assume otherwise, was that certainty had a ceiling. Cases are missed. Officers are lazy, or bribed, or elsewhere. Records are lost. Some proportion of what happens is never noticed by anybody, and that unnoticed proportion is where an ordinary life is lived.

Remove the ceiling and the principle inverts. A consequence that follows every time, without exception, is not proportionate to anything. Proportion describes a relation between an act and a response, and it stops being meaningful when the response is simply a property of the world — as inevitable as gravity and about as open to appeal.

Two hundred and sixty-two years, and every clause of the test is passed. Worse: the one part of his argument that modern evidence firmly supports — that certainty of apprehension is the whole of deterrence and severity is nearly nothing — is the part that makes total apprehension the most powerful instrument ever put in anybody's hands. He proved the case for the gentle system, and the gentle system requires only that nothing is ever missed.

He asked that punishment be certain rather than cruel. Nobody thought to ask what happens when it is certain and nothing else.

JU · P03 · Robert Anthony